Полный текст обращения Гитлера от 22 июня 1941 года, в котором он разъяснял для немецкого народа причины нападения Германии на СССР. причем в оригинале, русский перевод с купюрами я уже. III Рейх (200) Советский Союз в политико-экономических планах Германии, конец 1920-1930-х гг. (13).
Adolf Hitler - Speech (1933) | Текст песни
Hitler then spoke of the Molotov—Ribbentrop Pact , which had been signed just ten days before, on August 23. I no longer see any reason why [Germany and Russia] should still oppose one another.... We have, therefore, resolved to conclude a pact which rules out for ever any use of violence between us... Russia and Germany fought against one another in the World War. That shall and will not happen a second time. Hitler justified the German attack by claiming Polish culpability based on invented Polish atrocities at Pitschen and other places, including Gleiwitz and Hochlinden , [3] both of these being part of the culmination of Operation Himmler , a false flag operation intended to demonstrate that the Poles had attacked first, the Gleiwitz incident being the most noted. This night for the first time Polish regular soldiers fired on our territory. Since 5:45 a.
Нации нужно сохранять единство, не разделяя себя на австрийцев, баварцев и т. Британия и Италия Британия могла бы быть союзником, но британцы уже не обладали нужными для этого моральными качествами из-за господства евреев над ними. Италия при всех амбициях и лидерстве истинного римлянина — Муссолини не смогла ничего добиться из-за отсутствия материальной мощи. Вырождение и враждебность Франции Франция останется смертельным врагом немецкого народа. Сейчас ее военная мощь уничтожена надолго и в этом плане она угрозы не представляет. Однако Франция может оставаться источником политической опасности для Германии, нельзя ей доверять. Азиатские народы Япония, Китай, страны ислама активно сопротивляются еврейской заразе, поэтому они ближе Германии, чем родственная по крови Франция. Можно быть уверенным, что их ждет успех развития и что Германия всегда найдет себе друзей среди этих народов. Обе страны станут врагами Европы и будут пытаться заручиться поддержкой немецкого народа.
A hundred years ago, Germany fought its way to a renaissance as a state, and its independence as a state, and Italy was fighting for its national united... Then these two states separated, and both nations fought without success and then came the... Both Revolutions had about the same course; each one had severe setbacks, but finally won the fight. Both nations brought about... Both nations concerned people who could not find their daily bread on their own soil. Both nations found themselves one day standing opposite the same people, without wanting to, against the same international union, as already had occurred in 1935, when England suddenly turned against Italy, without any sort of preliminary warning; Italy had taken nothing from England, therefore it was for the reason that: "We do not wish Italy to have its free right to life," just as it was, with Germany, for the reason that: "We do not wish Germany to have its free right to life. What do we want from England? I offered each of them peace, more, I want to offer friendship. On the other side an old freemason, who only believes in a war, to be able to salvage his bankrupt economy, perhaps, or at least to gain time. Thus both states again stand face to face with the same foe... And then, in addition, there is still a third thing-I have mentioned it today also: in both cases they are men, two men, who have come from the people... In the last few weeks... I have read about the history of the Italian Fascist Revolution, and it seemed to me as if I had the history of my own party before me, so similar, so identical, that... And now finally the third state has joined us, another state with which we have always wanted to have good relations for the past many years. You all know it from "Mein Kampf"-Japan. Now the three great Have-Nots are united, and now we shall see who... For, what does England want to gain? What does America want to gain? What do they want to gain? They have so much that they do not know what to do with what they have. A few persons per square kilometer need much more for all the cares which we are not the ones to have. A single poor harvest means for our national decades plundered, exploited, crushed, and in spite of that they could not eliminate their own economic need. They have raw materials, as much as they are willing to use, and they do not complete it, with their problems actually to found something reasonable in society, to the one who has everything and the one who wants to take from the other fellow who has hardly anything practically the last thing he owns, or to the one who defends that which he honors as his last possession. Pray to God that he must send Bolshevism over Europe as a scourge. We wish only to say, "It will not come over Germany but whether it will come over England is another story. We have never done anything to England, France, we have never done anything to America. Nevertheless there follows now in the year 1939 the declaration of war, and now it has gone further. Now you must however out of my whole history understand me rightly. One sentence unintelligible. I said: "If the war is inevitable, then I should rather be the one to conduct it not because I thirst after this fame; on the contrary, I here gladly renounce that fame, which is in my eyes no fame at all. My fame, if Providence preserves my life, will consist in... But I think that if Providence has already disposed that I can do what must be done according to the inscrutable will of the Providence, then I can at least just ask Providence to entrust to me the burden of this war, to load it on me. I will beat it! I will shrink from no responsibility; in every hour which... I will take this burden upon me. I will bear every responsibility, just as I have always borne them. It knows that I had endless plans in those years before the war. It sees everywhere the signs of works begun, and sometimes also the documents of completion. I know that this people trusts me. I am happy to know it. But the German people may be persuaded also of one thing, that the year 1918, as long as I live, will never return. I am glad that so many allies have joined our soldiers: in Sweden, Italy, then in the north, Finland and the many other nations which are sending their sons here to the east, too,... Rumanians and Hungarians, Slovaks, Spaniards,... Already today, a European war, and finally in the East, as a new Ally, who has already... Cripps assured us a few days ago, in his loquacious manner, has been preparing itself for a fight with Germany. I knew that. As soon as I had become certain that there was false play going on here, in the instant that I became aware that Mr. Churchill in his secret meetings was already considering this ally, within the hour in which Molotov left Berlin, and took his leave because he had been able to come to a shrewd agreement, at that moment, it became clear to me, that this conflict was inevitable. For this, too, I thank fate, that it placed me at the head of the Reich, so that I was in a position to strike the first blow. If one must fight, then I take the stand that the first blow is the decisive one. We can only wish Japan good luck, because instead of playing around for a long time with this lying nation, it started to fight immediately. Now, our soldiers have been fighting in the East since June 22, a battle which will some day go into the chronicles of history as a hero-song of our people. He meant to drive the German U-boats out of the oceans gradually, by making new decrees of the American spheres of influence, and to limit them to a very small territory, which the British would then take care of with their naval forces. And, my fellow country-men, that is also the reason for the regression of the number of U-boat sinkings, but not at all the number of damages or sinkings by our U-boats. On the contrary, the latter has risen greatly. Also not the lack of our occupational forces, nor the impossibility of... You will understand that it has been a vindication for myself to decide whether one should finally conclude with the whole pack of lies for the sake of peace, and to bind oneself to the new limitations... Japan has finally eliminated this necessity. Now there are U-boats on all the oceans of the world, now you will see how our submarines carry out their work, and however they may look, we are armed for everything, from North to South, from East to West. But about one thing they may be assured; as I have said before, today they are up against a different German people; now they are again up against Fredrichian people; we will fight where we stand, give no foot of ground, immediately push forward again. And we are, in fact, happy to know since yesterday that our General Rommel with his brave Italian and German panzers and men at the moment when they... That will continue to happen to them until the war has ended with our victory. With these two forces stands a third, our air-force. Its fame is immortal. What they have accomplished in their efforts in the Arctic cold of the Far North, in the East, or in the heat of the desert, or in the West, is everywhere the same, a heroism that honors cannot glorify. There is just one thing which I must emphasize again and again; that is our infantry. And behind these forces stands a gigantic communications organization with tens of thousands of motor vehicles and railroads, and they are all going to work and will master even the hardest problems. For it is self-evident that the conversion from advance to defense in the East is not easy. It was not Russia that forced us to defense, but only 38 and 40 and 42 and sometimes 45 degrees below zero that did it. And in this cold, there, troops which are not accustomed to it cannot fight as in the red heat of the desert... But at this time, when the difficult transition was necessary, I again looked upon it as my task to take upon my shoulders the responsibility for that, too. I wanted thereby to save my soldiers from something worse. And I want to assure them at this point, insofar as those who are on that icy front can hear me today: "I know the work you are doing. And I know also that the hardest lies behind us. Today is January 30. The winter is the big hope of the Eastern enemy. It will not fulfill this hope for him. In four months we had fought almost to Moscow and Leningrad. Four months of Northern winter are now past. They have advanced a few kilometers at individual points and have made great sacrifices in blood and human lives there. They may be indifferent to that; but in a few weeks in the South the winter is going to break, and then the spring will move farther north, the ice will melt, and then the hour will come when the ground is again hard and firm, and when the new weapons will again flow there from our homeland, and when we shall beat them, and revenge those who now have fallen such lonely victims of the cold. For I can tell you that the soldiers at the front have the feeling of... To compare him with them would be an insult. The decisive thing now is that this transition from attack to defense be successful, and I may say that it has been. These fronts, as you shall see, where a few individual Russians break through, and where they sometimes even believe that they are occupying localities, there are no localities, there are only ruins. What does this mean, in comparison to what we have occupied, what we are bringing in order, and what the next spring and from then on, will bring into order? Behind this front there is today a dignified German homeland. I have recently, the other day, in view of this cold weather, appealed to the German people, for everything which had been prepared for protection against the frost has not sufficed. I wanted to express gratitude to the people themselves. This appeal then was also a plebiscite. While the others talk of democracy, this is true democracy. It has shown itself these days, when an entire people voluntarily sacrifices, and I know that so many small people, but this time also, many, many people, for whom this was difficult, and perhaps, formerly, seemed to find it impossible to part with a precious piece of fur, have today given it, with the knowledge that the most humble infantryman is of greater importance than the most costly fur. Whoever makes profits on the war in the Third Reich dies. It is not a question of the hidden clothes, the poor infantryman who, perhaps, saves his hands by having warm gloves, or could be kept from freezing by a warm vest, which some one takes from home for him. I will here stand up for the interests of the soldiers, and I know that all the German nation stands behind me in this. And this January 30th. Whether or not the war will end this year I do not know; but I do know one thing. Wherever the foe may appear, he will this year be fought as before. It will again be a year of great victories; and even as I held the flag high before this, a all times, so I will hold it high even now; because,? My German countrymen, my soldiers. We have a full of fame and glory behind us. One likes so much to draw analogies from it. In this fight German heroes have fought in similar situations, which also seemed hopeless. We should not draw any comparisons with former times, at all. We have no right to do so. We have the strongest army in the world. We have the strongest air-force in the world. Frederick the Great had to fight against a preponderance of power, which was just as choking in his time. As he waged the first Silesian war, he had 2,700,000 Prussians in the state of 15 million people. A man with all his willpower stood up in spite of all reverses so that he never despaired of his success, and when he despaired, he wished to pull himself together again and then take the flag in his strong hands. How do we wish to speak of that to-day? We have an opponent in front of us, who may have an immense numerical superiority, but we will rival him at least in the birthrate by spring and also in regard to weapons. And so it will be in all things, and above all we have Allies today. It is also no more the time of the World War. What Japan is accomplishing in the East alone, is, for us, beyond evaluation. No other way remains, but the way of battle and the way of success. That way may be hard, or it may be easy. In no case, is it more difficult than the way our forefathers went. It will not be any easier from now on, and we may not expect that it should be less difficult than the task we have during the last few battles. Thus we feel the entire sacrifice which our soldiers are making. Who can understand that better than myself, who was once a soldier, too? I look upon myself as the first Musketeer of the Reich. I know definitely that the musketeer Infantryman fulfills his duty. I fulfill my own duties also, unmistakably, and I understand all the sorrow of my comrades and know all that goes on with them.
Danzig is a German city and wishes to belong to Germany. On the other hand, this city has contracts with Poland, which were admittedly forced upon it by the dictators of the Peace of Versailles. But since, moreover, the League of Nations, formerly the greatest stirrer-up of trouble, is now represented by a High Commissioner-incidentally a man of extraordinary tact-the problem of Danzig must in any case come up for discussion, at the latest with the gradual extinction of this calamitous institution. I regarded the peaceful settlement of this problem as a further contribution to a final loosening of the European tension. For this loosening of the tension is assuredly not to be achieved through the agitations of insane warmongers, but through the removal of the real elements of danger. After the problem of Danzig had already been discussed several times some months ago, I made a concrete offer to the Polish Government. I now make this offer known to you, Gentlemen, and you yourselves will judge whether this offer did not represent the greatest imaginable concession in the interests of European peace. As I have already pointed out, I have always seen the necessity of an access to the sea for this country, and have consequently taken this necessity into consideration. I am no democratic statesman, but a National Socialist and a realist. I considered it, however, necessary to make it clear to the Government in Warsaw that just as they desire access to the sea, so Germany needs access to her province in the east. Now these are all difficult problems. It is not Germany who is responsible for them, however, but rather the jugglers of Versailles, who either in their maliciousness or their thoughtlessness placed 100 powder barrels round about in Europe, all equipped with hardly extinguishable lighted fuses. These problems cannot be solved according to old-fashioned ideas; I think, rather, that we should adopt new methods. Their importance is exclusively psychological and economic. To accord military importance to a traffic route of this kind, would be to show oneself completely ignorant of military affairs. Consequently, I have had the following proposal submitted to the Polish Government:- 1 Danzig returns as a Free State into the framework of the German Reich. In return, Germany is prepared:- 1 To recognise all Polish economic rights in Danzig. The Polish Government have rejected my offer and have only declared that they are prepared 1 to negotiate concerning the question of a substitute for the Commissioner of the League of Nations and 2 to consider facilities for the transit traffic through the Corridor.
Die Rede Adolf Hitlers – Речь Адольфа Гитлера
Рабство уменьшится, свободы прибавляется, и мы всё больше будем мирно творчески этим пользоваться. Пусть тебя не смущает, что в данный момент угрожающе трещит. Это делается быстро, беспощадно и всё глупее, так что всё больше людей всё скорее мигают и с удивлением видит: оппа, вот так обстоят дела, которые до сих пор были вне моей оптики… Нет, я в этом больше не буду участвовать. Направляю свою благодарность Адольфу Гитлеру и немецкому народу. Миллионы немцев тогда участвовали в борьбе, в которой тогда ещё невозможно было победить. Но бойцами авангарда они были. Они пробивали бреши.
С тех пор те были затушёвываны и замазаны… и в наше новое время опять выстпают наружу, на поверхность.
It was due, almost exclusively, to their attitude toward work. Those races which, as the first, stopped seeing work as the result of coercion and saw it rather as a necessity born out of hundreds of thousands of years of hardship, had to become superior to other people. And, besides, it was work that made people come together and divide the work among them. We know that the moment the individual work to sustain oneself turned into work within communities, the community tended to assign a particular work to those particularly talented, and with increasing division of work it became necessary for still greater joining together into still bigger groups. So, it is work which created kinships at first, later tribes, and still later, led to the creation of states. If we see, as the first prerequisite for creating states, the conception of work as social duty, so the second necessary ingredient is racial health and purity. And nothing helped the northern conquerors more against the lazy and rotten southern races than the refined strength of their race.
States would remain an empty vessel if not decorated with that which we normally call culture. If we removed everything and kept just railways, ships, etc. The moment their great, inborn imagination could act in great, free areas, it created everywhere immortal works. We see this process repeated continuously even in the smallest scale. Similarly, we know that great minds are often born at the bottom of society, unable to develop there but, given an opportunity, they begin to grow and become leaders in arts, sciences, and also in politics. We know today that there are extensive interrelations between the state, nation, culture, art and work and it would be madness to think that any of them could exist independently of the others. Let us take art — considered as an international domain — and we shall see that it is unconditionally dependent on the state. Art blossomed in those areas where the political development made it possible.
The art of Greece reached its highest level when the young state had triumphed over invading Persian armies. Construction of the Acropolis began at that time. Rome became the city of art after the end of the Punic Wars, and Germany built her cathedrals, as in Worms, Speyer and Limburg, when the German Empire under Salians had achieved its greatest triumphs. We can follow this connection to our time. We know that art, for example the beauty of German towns, always depended on political development of these towns; that it was political considerations which moved Napoleon III to regulating of the Boulevards and Friedrich the Great to establishing Unter den Linden. Similarly in Munich where it was obvious that the city could not become an industrial center and so art was chosen to elevate the rank of the city, which now everyone who wants to get to know Germany must visit. The case was similar with other arts. The moment the small, powerless statelets began to unite into one state, then also one German art, proud of itself, began to grow.
The works of Richard Wagner appeared in the period when shame and powerlessness were replaced by a unified, great German Reich. And so, not just art is dependent on the state, on the politics of the state; the same is the case with work itself because only a sound state is in the position to give the opportunity of working to its citizens and let them use their talents. The opposite is the case with the race in relation to everything else. A state with a rotten, sick and unsound race will never produce great works of art or make great politics, or at least bask in abundance. Each of these factors depends on the others. And only when all of them complement each other, can we say: There is harmony in the state, the way we Germanics understand it. Can the Jew build a state? Now we have to ask ourselves the question: How about the Jew as a state builder?
Does the Jew possess the power to create a state? First we must examine his attitude to work, find out how he perceives the principle of work, and excuse me if I now take a book called The Bible. I am not claiming that all its contents are necessarily true, as we know that Jewry was very liberal in writing it. One thing, however, is certain: it has not been written by an antisemite. Laughter It is very important because no antisemite would have been able to write a more terrible indictment against the Jewish race than the Bible, the Old Testament. Ladies and Gentlemen! Already here we see that the whole world lies between us; we could never conceive of work as a punishment — otherwise we would all have been convicts. We do not want to conceive of work as punishment.
I must confess: I would not have been able to exist without work, and hundreds of thousands and millions would have been able to withstand perhaps 3 or 5 days, maybe even 10, but not 90 or 100 days without any activity. If Paradise really existed, the Land of Plenty, then our people would have been unhappy in it. Calls: Hear, hear We Germans seek constantly a possibility to do something and if we cannot find anything, at least from time to time we hit one another in the face. Laughter We are unable to bear absolute rest. Thus we see, already here, a big difference. Because a Jew has written this, true or not is unimportant because it still reflects the opinion which Jewry has about work. For them work is not an obvious ethical duty but at most a means to sustenance. In our eyes, this is not work because in this case any activity serving self-preservation, without regard to fellow men, might be called work.
And we know that this work, in the past, consisted of plundering of caravans, and today in planned plundering of indebted farmers, industrialists and workers. The form has changed but the principle is the same. We do not call it work, but robbery. Calls: Hear, hear When already such a basic notion separates us, here comes another. I have already explained that in the long period in the North the races became purified. This means that all the inferior and weak gradually died out and only the soundest remained. Also, here the Jew differs from us because he has not become purified but instead practiced inbreeding; he multiplied greatly but only in narrow circles, and without selection. And therefore we see a generation which is plagued by defects caused by inbreeding.
Finally, the Jew does not possess the third factor: The inner spiritual life. I do not need to explain here what a Jew generally looks like. You all know him. Laughter You know his constant restlessness that never gives him a possibility to concentrate and have a spiritual experience. In the most solemn moments he flickers his eyes and one can see that even during the most beautiful opera he is calculating dividends. Laughter The Jew has never had his own art. Hear, hear His own temple has been built by foreign builders: The first was the Assyrians, and for the building of the second — the Roman artists. He has not left anything which might be called art, no buildings, nothing.
We shall not conceal that today he has many famous conductors whose fame he can thank the well-organized Jewish Press for. Laughter When a nation does not possess these three traits, it is not able to create states. And that is true because throughout centuries the Jew was always a nomad. He has never had what we might call a state. On the one side, there was always a great chasm between the tribes of Judah and Caleb and the northern Israeli tribes, and only David, for the first time, succeeded in gradually bridging the chasm through the unitary cult of Yahweh. We know precisely that this cult has at a very late time chosen for itself Jerusalem as its sole seat. Only from that moment have the Jewish people gotten a center, like Berlin or New York or Warsaw today. Because a people which does not want to work — the often hard work of building and maintaining a state — to work in mines, factories, in construction etc.
Such a people will never establish a state but prefers to live in some other state where others work and he acts as an intermediary in business, a dealer in the best case, or in good German — a robber, a nomad who undertakes robbing raids just like in ancient times. Lively bravo! Efforts are made to explain that so and so many Jews have been found that want to go there as farmers, workers, even soldiers. Laughter If these people really have this urge in themselves, Germany today needs these ideal men as turf cutters and coal miners; they could take part in building our water power plants, our lakes etc. The whole Zionist state will be nothing else than the perfect high school for their international criminals, and from there they will be directed. And every Jew will, of course, have immunity as a citizen of the Palestinian state Laughter and he will of course keep our citizenship. But when caught red-handed, he will not be a German Jew any longer but a citizen of Palestine. Laughter One can almost say that the Jew cannot help it because everything stems from his race.
A Jew is everywhere a Jew; consciously or unconsciously, he resolutely represents the interests of his race. Thus we can see the two great differences between races: Aryanism means ethical perception of work and that which we today so often hear — socialism, community spirit, common good before own good. Jewry means egoistic attitude to work and thereby mammonism and materialism, the opposite of socialism. He cannot do otherwise, whether he wants to or not. And thereby he is unable to create his own state because it requires a lot of social sense. He is only able to live as a parasite in the states of others. He lives as a race amongst other races, in a state within others states. And we can see very precisely that when a race does not possess certain traits which must be hereditary, it not only cannot create a state but must act as a destroyer, no matter if a given individual is good or evil.
The Jewish path of destruction We can follow this fate of Jewry from the earliest prehistory. It is not important if there is truth in every word of the Bible. In general, it gives us at least an extract of the history of Jewry. We see how the Jews present themselves because the Jew wrote these words quite innocuously. It did not appear to him as outrageous when a race, through cunning and deceit, invaded and despoiled other races, was always finally expelled and, unoffended, sought to repeat the same elsewhere. They pimped and haggled even when it came to their ideals, always ready to offer even their own families.
It is a fact that the German-Polish Agreement resulted in a remarkable lessening of the European tension. Nevertheless, there remained one open question between Germany and Poland, which sooner or later quite naturally had to be solved-the question of the German city of Danzig. Danzig is a German city and wishes to belong to Germany. On the other hand, this city has contracts with Poland, which were admittedly forced upon it by the dictators of the Peace of Versailles. But since, moreover, the League of Nations, formerly the greatest stirrer-up of trouble, is now represented by a High Commissioner-incidentally a man of extraordinary tact-the problem of Danzig must in any case come up for discussion, at the latest with the gradual extinction of this calamitous institution. I regarded the peaceful settlement of this problem as a further contribution to a final loosening of the European tension. For this loosening of the tension is assuredly not to be achieved through the agitations of insane warmongers, but through the removal of the real elements of danger. After the problem of Danzig had already been discussed several times some months ago, I made a concrete offer to the Polish Government. I now make this offer known to you, Gentlemen, and you yourselves will judge whether this offer did not represent the greatest imaginable concession in the interests of European peace. As I have already pointed out, I have always seen the necessity of an access to the sea for this country, and have consequently taken this necessity into consideration. I am no democratic statesman, but a National Socialist and a realist. I considered it, however, necessary to make it clear to the Government in Warsaw that just as they desire access to the sea, so Germany needs access to her province in the east. Now these are all difficult problems. It is not Germany who is responsible for them, however, but rather the jugglers of Versailles, who either in their maliciousness or their thoughtlessness placed 100 powder barrels round about in Europe, all equipped with hardly extinguishable lighted fuses. These problems cannot be solved according to old-fashioned ideas; I think, rather, that we should adopt new methods. Their importance is exclusively psychological and economic. To accord military importance to a traffic route of this kind, would be to show oneself completely ignorant of military affairs. Consequently, I have had the following proposal submitted to the Polish Government:- 1 Danzig returns as a Free State into the framework of the German Reich.
Воззвание Фюрера к германскому народу Германский народ! Обремененный тяжкими заботами, принужденный молчать месяцами, я дождался часа, когда, наконец, могу говорить открыто. Когда 3 сентября 1939 г. Англия объявила войну Германии, снова повторилась попытка англичан уничтожить всякое начало консолидации, а с нею и возрождение Европы путем борьбы против когда-то сильнейшей державы на континенте. Так в свое время — путем многих войн — Англия привела к погибели Испанию. Так вела она свои войны против Голландии. Так — с помощью всей Европы — боролась она позже с Францией. И так в конце столетия начала она политику окружения тогдашней Германии, а в 1914 г. Только вследствие внутреннего разлада Германия в 1918 г. Последствия были ужасны. После того, как в начале лицемерно говорилось, что борьба велась исключительно против Кайзера и его режима и после того, как германские войска сложили оружие, началось планомерное уничтожение германского государства. В то время, как слова одного французского государственного деятеля, что в Германии существует излишек 20 миллионов людей, который — другими словами — должен был б,ы быть уничтожен посредством голода, болезней или переселений, по-видимому, сбывались буквально, национал-социалистическое движение начало свою работу объединения германского народа, а с этим началось и возрождение Германии. Это новое освобождение нашего народа от нужды, бедствий и унизительного пренебрежения стояло под знаком внутреннего возрождения. В частности, это не представляло собой угрозы для Англии, и ее не затрагивало. Несмотря на это, сейчас же снова началась новая, преисполненная ненависти, политика окружения, направленная против Германии. Снаружи и внутри создался известный нам комплот евреев и демократов, большевиков и реакционеров, единственной целью которого было воспрепятствовать восстановлению нового германского национального государства и вновь повергнуть Германию в состояние бессилия и бедствия. Наряду с нами ненависть этого интернационального, всемирного заговора была направлена против таких же обездоленных народов, которые были принуждены зарабатывать насущный хлеб в тяжелой борьбе за существование. Прежде всего, у Италии и Японии так же, как и у Германии, оспаривалось, если не совершенно отнималось, право участия в пользовании земными благами. Сплочение этих нации, таким образом, было лишь актом самозащиты против угрожающей им эгоистической всемирной коалиции богатства и силы. Уже в 1936 г. Черчилль заявил, по словам американского генерала Вуда, [произнесёнными] перед представителями американской палаты депутатов, что Германия снова становится слишком могущественной и поэтому должна быть уничтожена. Летом 1939 г. Англии казалось, что наступил момент, когда можно вновь начать разложение Германии путем всеобъемлющей политики окружения. Система с этой целью созданной кампании лжи состояла в том, чтобы объявлять другие народы находящимися под угрозой, завлекать их в начале обещаниями английских гарантий и поддержки, а затем, как в мировую войну, заставлять их идти против Германии. Таким образом, от мая до августа 1939 г. Англии удалось лансировать утверждение, что Литва, Эстония, Латвия, Финляндия, Бессарабия, а также Украина находятся под прямой угрозой Германии. Часть государств дала себя провести этим, приняла обещанные гарантии, предложенные попутно с этим утверждением, и таким образом перекинулась на новый фронт окружения, направленный против Германии. При таких обстоятельствах я счел долгом перед своей совестью и перед историей германского народа не только уверить эти страны и их правительства в ложности сделанных Англией заявлений, но, сверх того, успокоить сильнейшую Восточную Державу путем специальных и торжественных заявлений относительно пределов наших интересов. Вы все чувствовали в свое время, что этот шаг был для меня горьким и тяжелым. Германский народ никогда не питал враждебных чувств по отношению к народностям России. Однако свыше двух десятков лет еврейско-большевистская власть в Москве старается разжечь пожар не только в Германии, но и во всей Европе. Не Германия пыталась перенести свое национал-социалистическое мировоззрение в Россию, а еврейско-большевистские власти в Москве беспрестанно пытались навязать свое господство нашему и другим европейским народам и делали это не только в моральном смысле, но, прежде всего, также и в смысле военной мощи. Однако последствиями деятельности этого режима были лишь хаос, бедствия и голод. В противовес этому, я старался в течение двух десятков лет с минимумом вмешательства и без всякого нарушения нашей продукции1 добиться нового социалистического порядка в Германии, который бы не только устранил безработицу, но также предоставлял прибыль труда в возрастающей мере трудящимся людям. Достижения этой политики создания нового экономического и социального порядка в нашем народе, который, планомерно преодолевая сословные и классовые контрасты, стремится к конечной цели — создать истинную народную общность, являются единственными в мире. Поэтому в августе 1939 г. Я сделал это исключительно в сознании своей ответственности по отношению к германскому народу, но, прежде всего, в надежде на возможность все же в конце достигнуть длительного примирения и уменьшения жертв, которые иначе могли быть от нас потребованы. Наряду с торжественными заверениями Германии в Москве относительно упомянутых областей и стран — за исключением Литвы — как лежащих за пределами германских политических интересов, было достигнуто особое соглашение на случай, если Англии действительно удастся втравить Польшу в войну против Германии. Но также и здесь имело место ограничение германских требований, которое было не пропорционально достижениям германского оружия. В немецком оригинале: «безо всякого нарушения нашего производства» — «ohne jene Zerstoerung unserer Produktion» S.
Знаменитый фрагмент из фильма “Der Untergang” (рус. “Бункер”) — Речь Гитлера в бункере
| Речь Адольфа Гитлера в Рейхстаге 1 сентября 1939 года | Пикабу | В связи с нападением на СССР Гитлер выступил с речью. |
| "Why We Are Antisemites" - Text of Adolf Hitler's 1920 speech at the Hofbräuhaus | Carolyn Yeager | скачать mp3, слушать музыку онлайн Речь гитлера текст на немецком с переводом Скачать песню Речь – Гитлера на телефон (рингтон на звонок), либо слушать mp3 в. |
| Adolf Hitler - Speech (1933) | Текст песни | September 1, 1939, justifying the German invasion of Poland. Short video clip excerpt. |
Цитаты Гитлера на немецком
Из анализа публикуемой речи Гитлера хорошо видно, что нападение на СССР воспринималось немцами в контексте войны с Англией, и Сталин рассматривался как английский союзник, достигшей с главным противником Германии большой степени кооперации. My German Fellow Countrymen and Women, My Comrades! At present everybody speaks before the forum which seems to them the most fitting. Some speak before a parliament whose existence, composition and origin (are well known). I believe that I should return again today whence I came. Речь гитлера Речи гитлера на немецком с переводом. Еще в 1936 г. Черчилль заявил, по словам американского генерала Вуда, перед комитетом Палаты представителей США, что Германия снова становится слишком сильной и поэтому ее нужно уничтожить. III Рейх (200) Советский Союз в политико-экономических планах Германии, конец 1920-1930-х гг. (13). Полный текст заявления Гитлера от 22 июня 1941 года, в котором он разъяснил причины нападения Германии на СССР.
Последняя речь Гитлера в бункере перед смертью. Почему её так долго скрывали от народа
Поэтому, в интересах Германии, я с августа 1940 года уже не мог более позволить нашими восточным провинциям, тем более что они к этому времени вообще зачастую были пустыми, оставаться незащищёнными ввиду беспрецедентного нарастания числа большевистских дивизий. Это всё был результат англо-советской кооперации, направленной на создание на востоке такой мощной армейской группировки, чтобы Германское Командование не смогло бы закончить блицкриг на западе полным разгромом, особенно, что касается в части военно-воздушных сил. И всё это было в соответствии не только с английской, но и советской политикой; поскольку и Англия, и Советская Россия имели ввиду затягивать войну как можно дольше, чтобы постепенно ослаблять и ослаблять всю Европу и сделать её совсем неспособной. Анализируя, атака СССР на Румынию была также направлена на овладение важной материальной базой не только Германии, но и всеевропейской экономики и, по меньшей мере, имела ввиду разрушить её. Германия, особенно с 1933 года, с непрерывным терпением искала возможности наладить торговлю со странами юго-восточной Европы. Поэтому мы всегда были заинтересованы во внутреннем спокойствии и внутренней организации этих стран. Советское нападение на Румынию и связка Греции с Англией грозили в короткое время превратить этот регион в театр войны. Прямо противоположно своим принципам и срочной просьбе румынского правительства, которое само несло ответственность именно за такое развитие событий, я советовал им принятие советских требований ради мира и уступку Бессарабии Молдавии. Румынское правительство, однако, считало, что оно способно отчитаться перед своим народом, только если Германия и Италия в качестве компенсации, по крайне мере, могли бы хоть гарантировать целостность того, что осталось от Румынии.
Я согласился на это с тяжёлым сердцем, принципиально, потому что, мы — Германцы, когда даём свои гарантии — мы держим их. Мы не англичане, и не евреи. Я до последней секунды, хотя и облечённый персональными обязательствами, надеялся на сохранении мира в этом регионе. Для этого, чтобы разрешить эти проблемы и достигнуть ясности в отношениях между Советской Россией и Германией, а также ввиду продолжающейся концентрации советских войск на нашей восточной границе, я пригласил Молотова в Берлин. Советский министр иностранных дел тогда потребовал от Германии разъяснений соглашения по следующим четырём пунктам: 1. Мой ответ: Германская гарантия имеет общий характер и безусловно накладывает на нас обязанности. Советская Россия, однако, никогда не объявляла нам, что имеет и другие интересы в Румынии за пределами Бессарабии. Уже свершившаяся оккупация советскими войсками Северной Буковины уже вышла за пределы советских уверений, поэтому я не думаю, что Россия на данный момент имеет ещё более далеко идущие намерения против Румынии.
Второй пункт Молотова: Советская Россия опять чувствует угрозу Финляндии. Кремль определённо не может терпеть этого. Готова ли Германия не оказывать помощь Финляндии и, более того, немедленно отозвать германские войска уже находящиеся в Киркенесе? Но новая война СССР против маленького финского народа уже не может рассматриваться германским правительством как нормальное явление; равно как мы никогда и не поверим, что Финляндия каким-то образом может угрожать СССР. Ни при каких обстоятельствах мы не желаем нового театра войны на Балтике. Третий пункт Молотова: Готова ли Германия согласиться на то, что Советская Россия может предоставить гарантии Болгарии в виде посылки туда своих войск, в связи с чем он — Молотов, готов заверить Германию, что Кремль не будет низлагать короля Болгарии? Мой ответ: Болгария — это суверенное государство. И я не имею информации, что Болгария когда либо запрашивала Советскую Россию о гарантиях, подобных тем, которые Румыния запросила от Германии.
Более того, я не готов ответить на этот вопрос без консультаций со своими союзниками. Германия согласна или нет? Мой ответ: Германия была всегда готова согласиться на изменение 1936 года Конвенции Монтро в пользу государств Чёрного моря. Германия не готова, чтобы дать согласие Советской России на создание военных баз вдоль проливов. Национал-социалисты, здесь я был обязан в полном осознании своей ответственности проявить свою позицию как ответственный лидер не только Германии, но и как представитель европейской культуры и цивилизации. Последствием всего этого было возрастание активности Советской России направленной прямо против Германии, и сразу, конкретно, начались новые попытки подрыва румынского государства и попытки посредством пропаганды устранить болгарскую монархию. С помощью запутанных и незрелых лидеров Румынского Легиона прим. И тем не менее, я всё ещё верил, что самое лучшее, — продолжать молчать.
Штейнер не смог собрать достаточно сил для атаки Der Angriff Steiners ist nicht erfolgt. В комнате остаться Кейтелю, Йодлю, Кребсу и Бургдорфу. Das war ein Befehl! Der Angriff Steiner war ein Befehl!
Это был приказ!
But the English always feel concerned for other nations, and for that reason they wanted to free Germany of its Kaiser, then as now. Finally, they said, "There shall be no more war. Therefore let us wage war upon war. If only one wanted to apply it in retrospect. That means, if one wanted to say, "We agree that war is an injustice because only brutal force decides war. We will eliminate all coercion. Hence we will abolish everything arisen through coercion up to now. But still it would have been wonderful if England had led the way to the rest of the world in its abhorrence of war in this manner, that it would have liberated the fruits of its own wars, that is, that it would have placed them again at the disposition of the rest of the world. If England had done that, if it had therefore declared: "We abhor war.
Therefore, we will immediately return South Africa; because we won it through war. We hate war. Therefore, we will return the East Indies; we also won those in a war. For instance, we hate war. Therefore, we will also leave Egypt; because this also we have subjugated through force. We shall also retire from the entire Near East; because this also became ours through force. However, the struggle against war meant something entirely different in England; namely, this war against war was interpreted to mean every possibility of making good the injustices already existing in this world;... It is about the same as the attitude we recognize also in domestic policy, when people say: "We want no change in the social order. He who is rich is to stay rich; he who is poor must stay poor. As things are, so are they willed; and as they are willed, so they are to remain; for man should not rise against that which is once willed, because it is so.
We see in each state and at each moment of this world the evidence of a never interrupted process of life; and it is impossible to say at a certain moment, "Here ceases this evolutionary process. It lies, on the contrary, in the essence of Nature, that ever and again... That means therefore that from the domestic life of peoples the... And so the talk of war on war has been proved quite false. The best proof for that is that the moment the war was over, the conditions for a new war could by no means be avoided, nor the instruments for waging the new war, either. It would have been a wonderful gesture if after the disarmament of Germany, as it... We suggested it to them often, begged them to at the time of the Weimar Republic, and still later demanded that they do it. They considered it not at all. On the contrary, the wars went on. Only the defeated people, the German people, lost every prospect ever in this world to change its condition once more for the better.
The methods which they used in the first World War were like those with which they are fighting today. At first the war from outside, and war in the form of creating coalitions. Then he himself admits that they were never in a position to fight alone. But they guaranteed the Baltic states; they guaranteed the Balkans. They went on around: Every state in the world, they declared, needs a guarantee. Great Britain will put her whole strength behind them and will protect them. Today this same arch-liar says: "But we were really never in a position to carry on the war alone. Therefore they cooked up a coalition against us of world-wide extent. The methods have likewise remained the same. Promises to all those of little faith, the credulous, or stupid, who wanted to trust these promises, moreover, the attempt to allow their own interests to be represented with as much other blood as possible.
This truth is connected with the second British method, that is, with the method of division. In that time that the British Empire had its origin, Germany tore herself apart. There were at that time modes of thought that we no longer understand, modes of thought of a religious kind, that unfortunately were fought out only with the sword, modes of thought that became horrible among the people, that seem insufficient to us in their inner being. Only these grievous internal struggles, that cost the German people endless blood, gave England the opportunity in this same period, to raise up a world claim, that never belonged to her either in number or in significance. Then I must always point out that it is not true that we Germans are like upstarts, but if one wants to talk about upstarts, then it is unconditionally the English and not ourselves! We have an older history, and in a time when Europe had a powerful German Empire, England was a quite insignificant, small, green island. In the last World War the possibilities of this splitting up lay in another sphere. Afterwards the religious problems did not provoke any more bloodshed, especially since the priests themselves would not have been ready any more to sacrifice their lives for these causes. We lived through it then. The parties of the right and the parties of the left, which further broke up in a dozen bourgeois aspects, in a half dozen proletarian aspects, and ever split up some more, and having begun with these parties, from the bourgeoisie of the bourgeois center up to the KPD Communist Party of Germany , succeeded this refers back to the parties of the right and left in undermining and breaking down the German people slowly from within.
In spite of that, the course of the war was a glorious one. The years 1914-1918-they proved it: in which not even the opponents triumphed. A low, common revolt was plotted by Marxian-demoralizing-Liberal-Capitalistic subjects-behind all of it as a driving force was the eternal Jew. They brought Germany to its collapse at that time. Only the cowardice of the then rulers, their indecision, their halfway measures, their own uncertainty brought it on. And so the First World War could not alone be lost by the merit of our opponents, but exclusively by our own fault. The consequences of this collapse in November were not that world democracy stretched out open arms to Germany, were not the concern of others to free the German people from its burdens and to lift the German people to a higher standard of culture. For that they could have no concern at all, for they themselves had a much lower one. But the consequence was just their collapse, the most frightful one, politically and economically, that a people has ever experienced. At that time there came to us a man who has done the German people immeasurable harm, Woodrow Wilson, the man who lied with a straight face.
If Germany would lay down her arms, then she would get a compassionate, an understanding peace! Then she would not lose her colonies! But the colonial problems were fixed up, all right! The man lyingly promised us that there would be a general disarmament, that we would then be accepted on equal terms among nations, peoples, etc. He lyingly promised us that then secret diplomacy would be done away with, and that we too would then enter into a new age of peace, of equality, of reason, etc.! Screams the last sentence. He was his right hand. Our German folk believed this man then. They had no idea that they were dealing here with an American President, that is, with a man who has no regard for truths; who, for example, can calmly say before an election: "I shall vote against war," and after the election can say: "I vote for war. So there came the hour then the German people got its disappointment at the moment when the German subordinate emissaries entered the car in the Compiegne forest, now known to us for the second time.
And there right away came the rude question: "What are you gentlemen doing here? They said: "He who says that the intention is to take from Germany her... They said beforehand: "He who says that we want to take away part of the German people is inciting the people! They had broken all their promises! In a few months the German people sank into a state of unimaginably deep despair and despondency-starving people without hope any longer. A people that did not get its war-prisoners back, even after the armistice and peace-treaty had been signed! A people that was not given food, even after it was defenseless! A people that was now repeatedly coerced,-if one carefully studies those times-from whom re-subjection was again and again demanded, extorted by some new repression. When one reflects upon this even today, one falls even now into a state of burning hatred and rancor against a world in which anything like this is possible. Well, it was at that time, my racial comrades, when everything was broken up, when the upper leadership had faithlessly fled abroad, when others were surrendering, when the Wehrmacht had to give up its weapons, when the people disarmed themselves voluntarily,-it was at that time, when the agitation?
It was such a mad determination in the eyes of those others, that my closest friends did not understand me. I found the strength for this determination only from my knowledge of the people. If, at that time, I had only known the upper ten thousand, believe me, my German people-I would not stand before you today, I would never have found courage for this thought which is capable of revolutionizing a people. I knew at that time first and all the people itself; I knew... I could not abandon that, for it would have been to betray my own comrades, who were just as badly... I have come to know the great mass of the German people, ladies and gentlemen, from living with them. And these masses have not only upheld my belief in the people, but have restored it, and constantly strengthened it through all the years since then, in the face of contrary circumstances, or when any misfortune seemed to threaten the realization of my plans. It was clear to me that this whole development, just as in the last 20 years or 30 years before the war, could lead only to collapse. But I had already formed the resolve to declare war on this whole development. That is not merely to declare: "I will get a German Wehrmacht, I will get an army or an air-force"; it was clear to me that the inner structure of the social order must be altered, so that in the dead body of our people the blood would flow again, and that society should hold firmly...
I have always looked upon this undertaking as possible, as within the power of the country. But I was of the conviction that strength could only be given to a body in which the sight and the essence of the new condition was already incorporated. Therefore, I was resolved to build up a small movement, beginning with those people who should already have within themselves that which appeared later as really essential to the whole of society. And this was perhaps not so hard as I thought, inasmuch as I was already on guard against the danger of unworthy place-seekers or selfish persons joining my ranks. For whoever joined this movement in those years from 1919-23 had to be a boundless idealist. Any other kind of man would only say: "He is an utter fool. The man is mad. And I can say that of all my followers, all of them who at that time and later supported me: they had nothing to win, and everything to lose. And how much have they all lost for my sake. I have now begun this battle, first against stupidity, stupidity and inertia, under the so-called higher strata; I have begun it against the cowardice which spreads caste far and wide, the cowardice which always pretended to be cleverness and came around and said: "We must submit; we must be patient"; or, as Herr Erzberger said, "We must sign everything, we must sign everything they put before us; then they will forgive us; then it will be all right again.
Often we have experienced... And we were not quiet. I then formed the program: "The German language belongs to the German. And I had at that time to fight on further against selfish? The man of the Left said to me: "You are going against my interests" or "You are going against my interests. My interests are class interests. And these class interests oblige me to slay the other fellow. We have the interests of station, we too have our interests,... Do not come in here! And above the interests which seemed to be found in station or in class, stood sic the interests which lie in the folk, in that community which cannot be torn apart, all this appears today to be so obvious a thing to get all these...
One group did not want to accept this idea,... We want our old filth... Eventually you will even demand of me that I should add one... To me also it is obvious, we want... All that was thus not so simple, slowly to draw one thing after another out of this people, and how many have quite simply run away from it. It was not, indeed, my national comrades, as if every one who came to me at that time, on that account also remained with me. Many a time I had to bring fifty or sixty somewhere... All the others were gone again. And one had to begin again. I made a calculation at that time.
If I win a hundred over, and have only ten remain to me, and the other ninety always leave me, then gradually they will become a hundred if I win a thousand. If I win ten thousand, they will be a thousand, and gradually the number of those who remain will grow ever larger. And if one had departed for the second or third time, perhaps, then perhaps he will be embarrassed to go the fifth time, and then he too will remain. And thus, with unbelievable patience and with perseverance and persistence I will slowly build up a group that is a majority in the German Reich itself. The others may laugh or mock as much as they wish.
Die wurden seither vertuscht und verwischt…und treten in dieser unserer neuen Zeit zutage. Россия передала гласности речь Адольфа Гитлера, с переводом на русский язык. Может быть это печально, но это факт. Да по всему миру это имеет место. Германия показательный пример. Правда такова: Планета Земля даёт достаточно для того, чтобы все люди были обеспечены, влючая сыр на хлебушке, влючая мобильность, влючая возможность радостно следовать своим собственным интересам и творчески действовать везде, создавать. Это закончилось. Дно долины в 26 тысяч лет достигнуто.
Цитаты Гитлера на немецком
| Речь гитлера на немецком языке текст | Последние добавленные тексты песен. |
| Die Rede Adolf Hitlers – Речь Адольфа Гитлера « bumi bahagia / Glückliche Erde | В связи с нападением на СССР Гитлер выступил с речью. |
| Die Rede Adolf Hitlers – Речь Адольфа Гитлера « bumi bahagia / Glückliche Erde | Выступление Гитлера с переводом. Речь Гитлера на немецком. (русский текст внизу) Russland hat eine Rede Adolf Hitlers freigegeben, nota bene mit russischen Untertiteln versehen. |
Обращение Адольфа Гитлера к германскому народу 22 июня 1941
Kritik ist die Selbstdarstellung der Verlierer. Intellektuelle sind Abschaum der Gesellschaft. Es gibt kein Gewissen. Das Gewissen haben die Juden erfunden. Совесть придумали евреи. Alle kreativen Ideen einer Person erscheinen im Allgemeinen bereits in seiner Jugend. Das Volk und das Vaterland sind das einzige.
This night for the first time Polish regular soldiers fired on our territory. Since 5:45 a. Hitler then declared himself as the "First soldier of the German Reich" Erster Soldat des Deutschen Reiches , a self-claimed rank, effectively equivalent of Generalissimo. I have once more put on that coat that was the most sacred and dear to me. I will not take it off again until victory is secured, or I will not survive the outcome. William Shirer observed that "Only once that day did Hitler utter the truth. In the end, this once, he would prove as good as his word. But no German I met in Berlin that day noticed that what the Leader was saying quite bluntly was that he could not face, or take, defeat should it come".
One only needs to ask oneself what might have happened to Europe if this agreement, which brought such relief, had not been entered into five years ago. In signing it, this great Polish marshal and patriot rendered his people just as great a service as the leaders of the National Socialist State rendered the German people. During the troubled months of the past year the friendship between Germany and Poland was one of the reassuring factors in the political life of Europe. The German and Polish statements regarding these negotiations are to be found in the annexed documents. Here, too, the Peace Treaty of Versailles-of course intentionally-inflicted a most severe wound on Germany. The strange way in which the Corridor giving Poland access to the sea was marked out was meant, above all, to prevent for all time the establishment of an understanding between Poland and Germany. This problem is-as I have already stressed-perhaps the most painful of all problems for Germany. Nevertheless, I have never ceased to uphold the view that the necessity of a free access to the sea for the Polish State cannot be ignored, and that as a general principle, valid for this case, too, nations which Providence has destined or, if you like, condemned to live side by side would be well advised not to make life still harder for each other artificially and unnecessarily. The late Marshal Pilsudski, who was of the same opinion, was therefore prepared to go into the question of clarifying the atmosphere of German-Polish relations, and, finally, to conclude an agreement whereby Germany and Poland expressed their intention of renouncing war altogether as a means of settling the questions which concerned them both. This agreement contained one single exception which was in practice conceded to Poland. It was laid down that the pacts of mutual assistance already entered into by Poland-this applied to the pact with France- should not be affected by the agreement. But it was obvious that this could apply only to the pact of mutual assistance already concluded beforehand, and not to whatever new pacts might be concluded in the future. It is a fact that the German-Polish Agreement resulted in a remarkable lessening of the European tension. Nevertheless, there remained one open question between Germany and Poland, which sooner or later quite naturally had to be solved-the question of the German city of Danzig. Danzig is a German city and wishes to belong to Germany. On the other hand, this city has contracts with Poland, which were admittedly forced upon it by the dictators of the Peace of Versailles. But since, moreover, the League of Nations, formerly the greatest stirrer-up of trouble, is now represented by a High Commissioner-incidentally a man of extraordinary tact-the problem of Danzig must in any case come up for discussion, at the latest with the gradual extinction of this calamitous institution. I regarded the peaceful settlement of this problem as a further contribution to a final loosening of the European tension.
Речь Гитлера перед нападением. Речь Гитлера 1 сентября 1939 года. Речь Гитлера перед нападением на Польшу. Речь Гитлера в Рейхстаге. Речь Гитлера в Рейхстаге 1 сентября 1939 года. Речь Гитлера по радио. Речь Гитлера транскрипция. Речь Гитлера оригинал. Речь Гитлера с переводом. Лекция Гитлера на немецком. Адольф Гитлер в Сталинграде. Газета новое слово. Немецкая газета правда фальшивая. Текст Гитлера на немецком. Выступление Гитлера на немецком языке. Речь Адольфа Гитлера на немецком. Выступление Адольфа Гитлера на немецком. Немецкие газеты 1941 года. Немецкие газеты Гитлер. Речь Гитлера на русском. Данциг Гитлер. Обращение Гитлера к немецкому народу. Речь Гитлера 22 июня 1941. Выступление Гитлера текст. Речь фюрера текст. Речь перед войной. Выступление Гитлера 22 июня 1941 года. Текст речи Гитлера 22 июня 1941 года. Воззвание фюрера к немецкому народу 22 июня 1941. Немецкая речь текст на немецком. Выступление Гитлера на немецком текст. Выступление Гитлера 31 июля 1940 года. Речь Гитлера перед атакой на Польшу. Памятка немецкого солдата. Памятка немецкого солдата 1941. Памятка советскому солдату в Германии. Памятка солдата вермахта. Обращение Гитлера к немецкому народу 22 июня 1941. Обращение Гитлера к немецкому народу 22. Обращение гиьрела на немецком. Речь Гитлера о большевизме. Из речи Гитлера в Мюнхене 9 ноября 1942 ответы на вопросы кратко. Адольф Гитлер плакаты. Адольф Гитлер плакаты третий Рейх. Адольф Гитлер пропаганда. Адольф Гитлер Постер. Цитаты Гитлера. Фашистские высказывания. Стихи про фашизм.
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- Цитаты Гитлера на немецком с переводом на русский
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Разбираем речь Гитлера от 3 октября 1941: «Я не желал этой войны!»
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Знаменитый фрагмент из фильма “Der Untergang” (рус. “Бункер”) — Речь Гитлера в бункере
(русский текст внизу) Russland hat eine Rede Adolf Hitlers freigegeben, nota bene mit russischen Untertiteln versehen. Die Botschaft an die Machthaber weltweit und an die "Elite" in Amerika kann deutlicher nicht sein: Was AH damals sagte, es trifft exakt auf heute zu. Es mag traurig sein, es ist wahr. 1 00:00:00,000 --> 00:00:04,900 Ob du meine Arbeit für richtig hältst, 2 00:00:05,000 --> 00:00:08,990 ob du glaubst, dass ich fleißig gewesen bin, dass ich gearbeitet habe. 3 00:00:09,000 --> 00:00:11,900 dass ich mich in diesen Jahren für dich eingesetzt habe, 4 00:00:12,000 --> 00:00:16,990 dass ich. причем в оригинале, русский перевод с купюрами я уже. Речь Гитлера на немецком. Выступление Гитлера с переводом. выступления гитлера с переводом скачать с видео в MP4, FLV Вы можете скачать M4A аудио формат.
Die Rede Adolf Hitlers – Речь Адольфа Гитлера
Из анализа публикуемой речи Гитлера хорошо видно, что нападение на СССР воспринималось немцами в контексте войны с Англией, и Сталин рассматривался как английский союзник, достигшей с главным противником Германии большой степени кооперации. Выступление Гитлера на немецком. Речь гитлера текст. Дюссельдорфская речь Первое выступление Гитлера 27 января 1932 на встрече с германскими промышленными магнатами в "Клубе индустрии", куда он был приглашен известным промышленником Фрицем Тиссеном. Hitler im Reichstag am 1. September 1939 Quelle: Bundesarchiv Koblenz. Всем историкам третьего рейха давно известно, что Адольфа Гитлера звали Шекель Грубер, а это прямо указывает на его истинное происхождение. О каком немецком нацизме вообще может идти речь если Гитлер был сами понимаете кем. Teкcт выcтyплeния нa нeмeцкoм языкe.
Знаменитый фрагмент из фильма “Der Untergang” (рус. “Бункер”) — Речь Гитлера в бункере
September 1939 [sic] im Deutschen Reichstag es schon ausgesprochen. We see clearly that this war could only end with the extermination of the Germanic peoples, or that Jewry must disappear from Europe. I already said it on September 1, 1939 [sic] in the German Reichstag... For once all the others will not bleed to death alone; for once the ancient Jewish law will come into play: an eye for an eye; a tooth for a tooth. The Bolshevist monster, to which they want to deliver the European nations, will someday tear them and their people to pieces. The Jew will not however exterminate the European peoples, rather he will be the victim of his own plot. I have also left no doubt that, if the nations of Europe are again to be regarded as mere shares to be bought and sold by those international money and finance conspirators, then that race, Jewry, which is the real guilty party in this murderous struggle, will be saddled with the responsibility. I also made it clear that this time, not only would millions of children of European Aryan races starve, not only would millions of grown men meet their death, and not only would millions of women and children be burned or bombed to death in the cities, but that the real culprit would atone for his guilt, even if by more humane means.
Ich sende meinen Dank an Adolf Hitler und an das deutsche Volk. Millionen Deutsche haben damals einen Kampf aufgenommen, der damals noch nicht zu gewinnen war. Sie haben Breschen geschlagen. Die wurden seither vertuscht und verwischt…und treten in dieser unserer neuen Zeit zutage. Россия передала гласности речь Адольфа Гитлера, с переводом на русский язык.
Может быть это печально, но это факт. Да по всему миру это имеет место. Германия показательный пример.
Армия мне лжет! Все мне лгут, даже СС! Was Sie da sagen, ist ungeheuerlich. Sie ist ohne Ehre! У них нет чести!
One is studied, taught, hammered in, in God knows how many homework hours, and the other is innate born and will always come to the fore, and will know how to find a following among his natural and necessary talents of leadership. It was a struggle against almost all of the things which we were accustomed to in life. Besides this, there was a fight against certain natural interests. For some, because. I do not know what is more evil, a bodily threat rather than a spiritual suppression which can perhaps break down a person even faster than a physical threat. There have been heroes who have come forward at that time.
And I should like to explain something about that: These heroes have in reality continued the war of 1914-1918. One sees them yet so displayed as if they were soldiers in my eyes and their party, no, that the soldiers have been once, and indeed the best soldiers. They were the best soldiers that have ever been, who would not and could not bear the acquiescence, thus we recognize it today, that a really good National Socialist will also be always the best soldier. And now came the organized opponents also. They were first of all approximately 46 or 47 parties, who hesitated accordingly to unite together the bicyclists, or the small gardeners, or cottagers, or other people. But there were some 48 parties.
An Allied Opposition. And here above all the party secretaries, their functionaries,. For where, after all, was a... You are fighting here for something that can be of no use to anyone. You will both have to get off your high horse. In the long run you cannot do without each other.
And as an example he says, or he makes rejoinders, which... Where, then, do the trade-union secretaries and the syndics get? And most of all, where then do the dear Jews get, who had, indeed, their interests so much in both camps, who on the one hand directed capital, even, and on the other hand led the anti-capitalists, and often, indeed, as one family with two brothers in both camps. My dear national comrades! When at that time I began this fight, I knew very well that it was a fight against an entire condition of things, and how hard it was only my fellow-fighters can know, who realized that for me the last war had offered clear... I continued to fight when I could speak again, and I have gone up and down the country, and from city to city, and have spoken and labored again and again, always with the single thought to loose the German people from this bond, to deliver them from their lethargy, and voice is fading.
Not only have I found comrades in arms, but also countless people in the course of these years, who have now helped us, women and men, who have given all, for whom the Party, in particular, was everything. The other wretched bourgeois, especially, cannot understand that. Only those can understand who belong to National Socialism, for whom the movement means everything, so that they have thought of their movement the whole day, so that they have risked all, and have offered every sacrifice. Now the whole nation understands it; what was then counted not even a thousand, today totals millions of fellow countrymen, who are going to the gathering places, and are giving, for the National Socialist Union, their last fur and pullover. This good fortune, to be able to give... How great the good fortune was only those can measure, apparently, who today can say of themselves: "I am doing everything for my people, everything for our soldiers, so that they may stand fast.
Slowly, it is true, but it was well so; it needed time, but it came into existence. This movement exists today; it was not an uninterrupted growth, but there were then again also days of the most severe distress and of doubt, dark days. I need only remember the year 1923. The enemy stood in the Ruhr district, Germany was in inflation, the whole German people ruined, and seemed to be going under in unparalleled misery, several words unintelligible and they profited by our misfortune. And then I tried at that time to get in my hand the power to bring misfortune to a stop. And at the moment when I might believe that I would get the power, then fate struck me down, and I came, instead of into power, into prison.
And then, at this time, then the movement had to be on guard, and of course, I myself, also. And I may now say that at this moment, when I had yet scarcely come to my senses, I did not lose my head for a minute, but had soon recovered my faith. One sentence unintelligible one needed to have no further hesitation about it, one no longer needed even to choose, National Socialism fading. After 13 months I came back again and began again from the beginning. And then Providence freed the whole volume? Years of waiting.
Then after the first hard blow I got great increases in the movement. What that cost in work is known only to those who were there then. But I kept then also my boundless faith, faith in my own person, too, Remainder of sentence unintelligible-Hitler is screaming. I took to heart then the saying of a German philosopher: "The blow of an old. At this time the rest of the world took no notice at all of us. These diplomats sent wonderful reports to their governments, in which they depicted the...
They treated the Germany of that day as though there never would exist, or never had existed a National Socialism. And how they treated this Germany! Their Germany, their democratic Germany. The child which they had... This freak of parliamentary democracy, constitution of Weimar and body of laws from Versailles! How they mishandled this monster-child, oppressed it, wrung it out.
If today they act as though they are against us National Socialists, or turn against National Socialist Germany, still, did they not... Only there is one difference: they cannot... To us it makes no difference what their opinion of us is: I have never, even to the slightest degree, counted on having foreign countries... If it should come to pass that my enemies should praise me, then the German nation can send me to the devil. They were refused every human right, but they should have had the right, now and then, to participate in an international conference, or even to preside there. The disarmament: If today it is said, that our Germany, this National Socialist Germany, forced us to arm, putting aside the fact that...
There was once a Germany which had no arms at all. They could have done it, or does anyone believe that perhaps Stresemann or Marx, or any one of these men, Wirth, Bauer, Eberth, Scheidemann, would have declared the might of war? Well, that cannot be told anyone. That is when they should have disarmed. Some of them got themselves well-fixed in one place, some in another. They knew very well why Germany had to be disarmed.
They added all of this to the name Democracy. And then the terrible unemployment. Where was all the economic...? Where were the wonder-workers magicians? If today they can lie so in the newspapers, so that President Roosevelt declares that America will give the world a new economic order. It may very well be a new order, but a very miserable one.
Such is the system, a system with which he has himself gone bankrupt, so that he now believes that only through a war can he preserve the justice of nations. Politico-economically, the German people has not received what was promised it before the days of the Versailles Treaty. On the contrary, as the other world went to pieces progressively, unemployment grew and continued to grow greater. The years 1913 to 1930 are years of continuous experimentation, continuous economic ruin, an uninterrupted prostitution of the political sovereignty of the German people; also an abandonment of economic materials. And we had to witness all this. At that time I fought, but during those years, my countrymen, there were many setbacks for forbidden parties, one sentence...
Then again local groups were dissolved, then again, over all of German states the movement was forbidden. In short, there was a continuous fight against uninterrupted setbacks. Then, finally, came September, 1930, and we walked into the Reichstag with our 106 mandates-another was added-107 mandates. Then we should have been given part in the government, but that was when the real opposition sidetracking came, and it grew greater uninterruptedly. It was a continuous battle, which eventually... How many party members did we lose at the time?
Then came the year 1932. The first presidential election, again a setback. The second presidential election, the party saw... It was a fight in which all was at stake. Many persons again had to pay with their lives that year. Many persons went to prison.
And then came July, with a... Then everyone cried: "This is the hour in which to take over power," and again the hour passed by, it had to go by. And then came another reversal. And then-a final battle. And finally the day, the memory of which we are celebrating. Now, my compatriots countrymen , I have related this to you only very briefly, in order to show you above all else that: the victory which we are celebrating today, did not come to us at that time as an easy gift, which fell into our laps.
This victory was bound up with great efforts, with sacrifices, with deprivations, with unceasing labors, and also with setbacks. And if you had asked anyone on January 15, "Do you believe that this person"-that was I at that time-"will get into power? And now I must mention something else. I told you what I found conditions to be in the year 1919 to 1920, when I brought the party into existence; I have depicted for you the situation, after my first great defeat. But I must recall to your memory, in just a few sentences, what I had taken upon myself on that 30th of January. It was a heritage which hardly anyone wanted any more to take over at all.
Everything ruined, the economy destroyed; 7,000,000 people without a living, and it was increasing from week to week; 7,000,000 part-time workers. The Reich finances an enormous deficit of nearly three billions. The peasantry on the verge of complete collapse, on the verge of having land and soil auctioned off. Trade crippled, commerce brought to a halt, our shipping no longer in existence. In general, everything in Germany seemed now to be dead. But I took that over.
It was no bright heritage, but I looked upon it as an honor to take over something not at the moment when it is flourishing, but to take it over at the moment when others say: "Everything is already ruined. Everyone can, of course? It was altogether clear to me that? I would have been beaten to death, I dared and I won. I began to stabilize the German currency by relentless pressure from above. I began, however, to stabilize it so...
German production... All that is easy to tell today, but it was not so easy then, for if it had been so easy, why did my opponents not do it? I immediately began with the repression of all the foreign elements in Germany; I mean our cosmopolites. I began also at this time to bring individual provinces into the Reich. Instead of numberless economic organizations a combination of all in one single bureau. At first, of course, everyone complained whose interests were thereby threatened.
But one thing no one can dispute, from either the right or left: In the end everything went better than before. For one thing, my comrades, you must all admit, wherever you come from: Everywhere today you see works of peace which we could no longer continue on account of war. Everywhere you see great buildings, schools, housing projects, which the war has kept us from carrying on. Before I entered upon this war, I had begun a gigantic program of social, economic, cultural work, in part already completed.