Eugene Victor Debs left school at the age of fourteen, to scrape paint and grease off the cars of the Vandalia Railroad, in Indiana, for fifty cents a day. Enter, from stage left, the ghost of Eugene V. Debs, the most impressive socialist in American history, whose conviction for sedition was upheld by the Supreme Court in 1919.
Eugene V. Debs - Pioneer Rail Labor Leader
Eighteen thousand people went to see him in Philadelphia and 22,000 in New York City. He terrified the ruling elites, who began to institute tepid reforms to attempt to stanch the growing support for the socialists. Debs after the 1912 election was a marked man. At first they were opposed by the people and denounced by the press. But it did not fail. Revolutions have a habit of succeeding when the time comes for them. I said then, and I say now, that while there is a lower class, I am in it, and while there is a criminal element I am of it, and while there is a soul in prison, I am not free. I listened to all that was said in this court in support and justification of this prosecution, but my mind remains unchanged. I look upon the Espionage Law as a despotic enactment in flagrant conflict with democratic principles and with the spirit of free institutions.
At fourteen I went to work in a railroad shop; at sixteen I was firing a freight engine on a railroad. I remember all the hardships and privations of that earlier day, and from that time until now my heart has been with the working class. I could have been in Congress long ago. I have preferred to go to prison. I am thinking of the women who for a paltry wage are compelled to work out their barren lives; of the little children who in this system are robbed of their childhood and in their tender years are seized in the remorseless grasp of Mammon and forced into the industrial dungeons, there to feed the monster machines while they themselves are being starved and stunted, body and soul. I see them dwarfed and diseased and their little lives broken and blasted because in this high noon of Christian civilization money is still so much more important than the flesh and blood of childhood. In very truth gold is god today and rules with pitiless sway in the affairs of men. In this country—the most favored beneath the bending skies—we have vast areas of the richest and most fertile soil, material resources in inexhaustible abundance, the most marvelous productive machinery on earth, and millions of eager workers ready to apply their labor to that machinery to produce in abundance for every man, woman, and child—and if there are still vast numbers of our people who are the victims of poverty and whose lives are an unceasing struggle all the way from youth to old age, until at last death comes to their rescue and lulls these hapless victims to dreamless sleep, it is not the fault of the Almighty: it cannot be charged to nature, but it is due entirely to the outgrown social system in which we live that ought to be abolished not only in the interest of the toiling masses but in the higher interest of all humanity.
I believe, as all Socialists do, that all things that are jointly needed and used ought to be jointly owned—that industry, the basis of our social life, instead of being the private property of a few and operated for their enrichment, ought to be the common property of all, democratically administered in the interest of all. This order of things cannot always endure. I have registered my protest against it. I recognize the feebleness of my effort, but, fortunately, I am not alone. There are multiplied thousands of others who, like myself, have come to realize that before we may truly enjoy the blessings of civilized life, we must reorganize society upon a mutual and cooperative basis; and to this end we have organized a great economic and political movement that spreads over the face of all the earth. There are today upwards of sixty millions of Socialists, loyal, devoted adherents to this cause, regardless of nationality, race, creed, color, or sex. They are all making common cause. They are spreading with tireless energy the propaganda of the new social order.
They are waiting, watching, and working hopefully through all the hours of the day and the night. They are still in a minority. But they have learned how to be patient and to bide their time.
Debs, the most impressive socialist in American history, whose conviction for sedition was upheld by the Supreme Court in 1919. In that speech, however, Debs explicitly refrained from recommending, let alone inciting, any antiwar activity. Later he added further eulogies and said that he was proud of them.
He terrified the ruling elites, who began to institute tepid reforms to attempt to stanch the growing support for the socialists. Debs after the 1912 election was a marked man. At first they were opposed by the people and denounced by the press. But it did not fail.
Revolutions have a habit of succeeding when the time comes for them. I said then, and I say now, that while there is a lower class, I am in it, and while there is a criminal element I am of it, and while there is a soul in prison, I am not free. I listened to all that was said in this court in support and justification of this prosecution, but my mind remains unchanged. I look upon the Espionage Law as a despotic enactment in flagrant conflict with democratic principles and with the spirit of free institutions. At fourteen I went to work in a railroad shop; at sixteen I was firing a freight engine on a railroad. I remember all the hardships and privations of that earlier day, and from that time until now my heart has been with the working class. I could have been in Congress long ago. I have preferred to go to prison. I am thinking of the women who for a paltry wage are compelled to work out their barren lives; of the little children who in this system are robbed of their childhood and in their tender years are seized in the remorseless grasp of Mammon and forced into the industrial dungeons, there to feed the monster machines while they themselves are being starved and stunted, body and soul. I see them dwarfed and diseased and their little lives broken and blasted because in this high noon of Christian civilization money is still so much more important than the flesh and blood of childhood.
In very truth gold is god today and rules with pitiless sway in the affairs of men. In this country—the most favored beneath the bending skies—we have vast areas of the richest and most fertile soil, material resources in inexhaustible abundance, the most marvelous productive machinery on earth, and millions of eager workers ready to apply their labor to that machinery to produce in abundance for every man, woman, and child—and if there are still vast numbers of our people who are the victims of poverty and whose lives are an unceasing struggle all the way from youth to old age, until at last death comes to their rescue and lulls these hapless victims to dreamless sleep, it is not the fault of the Almighty: it cannot be charged to nature, but it is due entirely to the outgrown social system in which we live that ought to be abolished not only in the interest of the toiling masses but in the higher interest of all humanity. I believe, as all Socialists do, that all things that are jointly needed and used ought to be jointly owned—that industry, the basis of our social life, instead of being the private property of a few and operated for their enrichment, ought to be the common property of all, democratically administered in the interest of all. This order of things cannot always endure. I have registered my protest against it. I recognize the feebleness of my effort, but, fortunately, I am not alone. There are multiplied thousands of others who, like myself, have come to realize that before we may truly enjoy the blessings of civilized life, we must reorganize society upon a mutual and cooperative basis; and to this end we have organized a great economic and political movement that spreads over the face of all the earth. There are today upwards of sixty millions of Socialists, loyal, devoted adherents to this cause, regardless of nationality, race, creed, color, or sex. They are all making common cause. They are spreading with tireless energy the propaganda of the new social order.
They are waiting, watching, and working hopefully through all the hours of the day and the night. They are still in a minority. But they have learned how to be patient and to bide their time. The feel—they know, indeed—that the time is coming, in spite of all opposition, all persecution, when this emancipating gospel will spread among all the peoples, and when this minority will become the triumphant majority and, sweeping into power, inaugurate the greatest social and economic change in history.
The socio-political beliefs that had attracted Debs and the other members to establish the defunct ARU now gathered to form the new Socialist Party with Eugene Debs as its head. Now a Celebrity, Debs Seeks Presidency Even while Debs immersed himself in socialist politics, he still sought the formation of a labor union that encompassed his goals of inclusivity for all workers. They saw American involvement as a class struggle wherein workers were to be sacrificed for corporate benefit and greed. As the United States moved onto a war footing, socialists like Debs enthusiastically voiced their opposition at speaking engagements and through the press. Their audience, however, grew smaller, and public opinion to a large degree turned against the socialists.
This wide-ranging act, still in existence today, made it a federal crime to interfere with, among other things, the Selective Service Act or military draft. With the act, federal judicial agencies wielded greater power to interpret violations of the law and indict its opponents. Debs Gives Speech Extolling Socialism.
The Untold Truth Of Eugene V. Debs
Exiled to Europe after the Revolt of 1905 led to his party being banned, he lived in Switzerland where he met Vladimir Lenin, a Communist leader from Russia. Lenin influenced Debs tremendously, changing his position farther to the far left. He returned to America after Germany smuggled him via submarine to Mexico to incite America into revolution.
Debs, who was no longer legally allowed to communicate with his members, could do nothing to calm tensions. That same month, Debs was arrested and charged with contempt of court and conspiracy to interfere with U. The ARU crumbled soon after, and while many Pullman workers were eventually rehired, they had to agree in writing to never form a union. In 1897 , two years after leaving prison, he established the Social Democratic Party of America. William McKinley won the race with a total of 7,207,923 votes, while Debs garnered just 86,935.
Still, it was a start. Debs ran again in 1904, this time as a member of the next political party he helped establish: the Socialist Party of America. His totals jumped to around 402,000 votes ; in 1908, he returned with 420,000 votes , losing to Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft , respectively. Debs fell short once again, but his total ballooned to more than 900,000 votes —6 percent of the popular vote. It would be another eight years before his fifth and final presidential campaign—arguably one of the strangest the country has seen.
Goddard earned degrees from Vassar College and Harvard University. He lives in New York with his wife and three sons. Political Wire is one of them. To the point.
Debs Eugene V. Debs 1855 — 1926 "Years ago, I recognized my kinship with all living things, and I made up my mind that I was not one bit better than the meanest on earth... While there is a lower class, I am in it, while there is a criminal element, I am of it, and while there is a soul in prison, I am not free...
Free Speech on Trial
За эту речь и другие антивоенные выступления 30 июня Дебс был арестован и отправлен в тюрьму. Он был обвинён по 10 пунктам в деятельности, направленной на свержение правительства и законного порядка. Хотя Юджин указывал на свободу слова, гарантированную Первой поправкой к Конституции США, Верховный суд приговорил его к 10 годам заключения и лишению гражданства. Марк зачитал эту речь в рамках проекта «Голоса народной истории Соединённых Штатов» в церкви Всех Святых в Пасадене, Калифорния, 1 февраля 2007 года. Сэм Джонсон однажды сказал: «патриотизм — последнее прибежище негодяя».
Он, должно быть, имел в виду этих дворян с Уолл-стрит или, по крайней мере, их прототипов, ибо во все времена именно тиран, угнетатель и эксплуататор облачался в мантию патриотизма, религии, или того и другого, чтобы обманывать и запугивать людей. Каждый из этих аристократических заговорщиков и потенциальных убийц претендует на звание архипатриота; каждый из них настаивает, что война ведется за то, чтобы сделать мир безопасным для демократии. Какой вздор! Какая гниль!
For more than seventy years now, week after week, it has continued to analyse the changes taking place in the country and the world from a socialist standpoint, and thus promote the spread of socialist ideology in the country. Subscribe to Mailing List.
I explained those simple facts back in January 2021. Although hardly suggested by our mainstream media, the officially-reported results demonstrated that our 2020 presidential election was extraordinarily close.
All the regular pre-election polls had shown the Democratic candidate with a comfortable lead, but just as had been the case four years earlier, the actual votes tabulated revealed an entirely contrary outcome. But control of the White House depends upon the state-by-state tallies, and these told a very different story. Incumbent Donald Trump lost Arizona, Georgia, and Wisconsin by such extremely narrow margins that a swing of less than 22,000 votes in those crucial states would have gotten him reelected. With a record 158 million votes cast, this amounted to a victory margin of around 0.
So if just one American voter in 7,000 had changed his mind, Trump might have received another four years in office. One American voter in 7,000. Such an exceptionally narrow victory is extremely unusual in modern American history. More recently, George W.
Bush won a narrow reelection over Sen. John F. If our incompetent or dishonest media had correctly reported these simple facts, perhaps Democratic partisans would have been somewhat more understanding of the outrage expressed by so many of their Republican counterparts, who believed they had been cheated of their election victory. Furthermore, not only was the 2020 Presidential election remarkably close, but any objective examination of the facts clearly proves that outcome was stolen from Trump.
This easily explains the widespread protests by his supporters in DC on January 6th, as I discussed a few days later. After all, if they sincerely believed that a Trump victory would be catastrophic for America why would they not use every possible means, fair and foul alike, to save our country from that dire fate? Even leaving aside some of these plausible claims, the case for a stolen election seems almost airtight.
Мин Хи Джин продолжила: «Сначала я сказала нет. Но я хотела сотрудничать, потому что я только что перешла в новую компанию. Я тот человек, которому приходится начинать все с нуля, и я думала, что подчинюсь его воле… Я знаю, что для меня было бы лучше потратить свои собственные деньги и создать лейбл. Причина, по которой я присоединилась к компании, заключалась в том, что у нее уже была установившаяся система. Семья, сотрудники, так мне было легче платить им. Если вы создадите новую компанию, вы неизбежно станете бедными». Она заявила, что на момент прихода в Source Music единственным стажером, в котором она видела потенциал, была Минджи. Остальные стажеры были слишком стары или нуждались в дополнительной полировке перед дебютом. Поэтому она открыла собственное прослушивание, чтобы найти остальных участниц, которые могли бы присоединиться к Минджи. И только после того, как она прорекламировала прослушивания как для «новой женской группы Мин Хи Джин», она начала замечать всплеск талантливых претенденток. Именно так она подобрала Ханни , Даниэль , Хэрин и Хеин. Она также объяснила, как в итоге она основала ADOR. Это произошло потому, что Бан Ши Хёк не согласился с ее направлением, которое она выбрала для NewJeans. На тот момент у группы уже были песни «Attention» и «Hype Boy». Она чувствовала себя преданной, поскольку многие участницы и стажеры присоединились к компании, потому что им было обещано стать первой женской группой HYBE. Она также заявила, что родители Хеин были особенно расстроены, потому что они хотели, чтобы их дочь присоединилась к группе не из-за имени Source Music, а из-за имени HYBE. Она сказала, что была настолько сбита с толку в тот момент, что хотела уйти из компании. Она утверждала, что Бан Ши Хёк также сказал, что они никогда не отдадут ей девочек и что они останутся в компании. Почему ты смеешься? Я хочу знать». Разве этот разговор не кажется очень странным? Она также поделилась: «Бан Шихёк спросил меня: «Ты сможешь победить Aespa в декабре, верно? Я думала, что он был действительно щедрым человеком, но обнаружила, что снаружи он отличался от того, каким он был внутри». Они использовали меня в полной мере, а теперь хотят меня уничтожить, потому что я их не слушаю. Никто не добился такого результата за 30-летнюю историю индустрии развлечений, как я всего за два года после создания NewJeans. Но HYBE пытается убить того, кто сделал то, что сделала я, будучи главой дочерней компании». Она добавила: «Какой мой грех? Я думаю, что мой грех только в том, что я делаю свою работу хорошо». Я не говорю о них ничего плохого. Участницы невиновны.
Победитель
20 октября 1926) был американским социалистом, политический активист, профсоюзный деятель. Eugene Debs was a presidential candidate ran for election from prison. Trade unionist Eugene V. Debs was a major organizer of the American Railway Union and the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW).
Author: Eugene Debs
The standard biography of Eugene Debs is Nick Salvatore’s Eugene V. Debs: Citizen and Socialist (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1982). “It’s a stewing sense of unfairness last tapped to broad affect by a couple of his political heroes: socialist presidential candidates Eugene Debs and Norman Thomas, each of whom lost five times in the early. Судя по реакции Дебса на фразу Вэна, ему пришлось спросить тиммейтов на сцене, какую шутку он пропустил. Eugene Debs: The Mission of Socialism is Wide as the World. Судя по реакции Дебса на фразу Вэна, ему пришлось спросить тиммейтов на сцене, какую шутку он пропустил.
June 16, 1918: Eugene V. Debs Speech Against WWI
Eugene V. Debs was a US politician and a member of the Socialist Party and ran for President five times since 1900. The socialist party member, Eugene Debs ran for the US presidential elections five times from 1900 to 1920. He could follow the playbook of the socialist firebrand Eugene V. Debs, who in 1920 received nearly a million votes while behind bars. Eugene Debs, at center with flowers, who was serving a prison sentence for violating the Espionage Act, on the day he was notified of his nomination for the presidency on the socialist ticket by a.
Eugene Debs, the Espionage Act, and the Election of 1920
Пожаловаться 100 лет назад: Юджин Дебс вышел из тюрьмы 25 декабря 1921 года, в 11:30, Юджин Дебс, лидер социалистов и самый видный узник классовой войны в Соединенных Штатах, был освобожден из федеральной тюрьмы в Атланте. Освобождение произошло после того, как президент Уоррен Гардинг сократил срок заключения Дебса в тюрьме по приговору до уже отбытого им срока. В соответствии с «Законом о шпионаже» — тем же самым реакционным законом, по которому будут судить Джулиана Ассанжа в случае его экстрадиции в Соединенные Штаты, — Дебс был приговорен к 10 годам тюремного заключения за антивоенную речь в Кантоне, штат Огайо, произнесенную им в июне 1918 года. Это был апогей государственной «охоты на ведьм» против социалистов и других левых, тех, кто выступал против вступления Америки в Первую мировую войну. Он начал отбывать срок в апреле 1919 года.
You seem quite convinced. You are advancing something just a technical hair short of a positive claim. Provide your evidence. Read about biofeedback loops and the power of positive thinking. Whatcha know about that? I know all about that! White Supremacist — check. Christian — check. Russian Orthodox Church. Taliban — to the extent this Islamic concept even translates into Christianity at all, it means religious student. Fair enough, I am an amateur self taught student of theology, among many other topics. Republicans are my favorite US major party. Government should be far more local than that, other than military national defense, which has nothing to do with political parties, or at the very least ought not to. You read Archipelago Gulag 40 years ago? Congratulations, ignoramus. Read it again, and every published public writing by and about Solzhenitsyn. Read his entire website. Read Dugin. Your arrogance and your ignorance are in a neck and neck race to the bottom, are they not? You have the intellectual curiosity and depth of a childrens cartoon cutout placed in a chair. Robert K Stock on April 4, 2023 at 3:45 am said: I made the decision to vote for people of color instead of Caucasians months after the 2020 election. I only saw her name in the ballot booth and wondered to myself, who the hell is that? I have modified my intent to vote for people of color. Takes 10 seconds to look up a candidate. You are just lazy and a racist. You want the Supreme Court to not interpret the law as written obviously. Retards like you are like that. Besides, I was going to vote for Joe Biden over anyone else because he was the best choice to beat Donald Trump. Stock is a racist on April 4, 2023 at 4:47 am said: Hey retard, they have these things called phones. Phones have the internet. You keep getting caught in your lies. Trump won Oklahoma easily. He won the national election when you only count legitimate.
For more than seventy years now, week after week, it has continued to analyse the changes taking place in the country and the world from a socialist standpoint, and thus promote the spread of socialist ideology in the country. Subscribe to Mailing List.
In his capacity as a union leader, Debs worked tirelessly to organize the firemen, but soon came to realize that the other railroad crafts must also be organized in order for the firemen to have any real power. Thus, he then assisted in the organizing of the brakemen, switchmen, carmen and telegraphers among other crafts, into their respective craft unions. Not long after, Debs resigned his position as Secretary-Treasurer of the BLF despite the mass objection of the firemen rank and file. After years of first hand experience with the failures of the old craft unionism, Debs was now firmly convinced of the need for this new advanced form of union — the industrial union — where all workers in the industry would be organized as a whole, as opposed to separated — and hence ineffectual — under the old outmoded craft union structure. The American Railway Union generated wide interest and support among the rail workers of North America. Rails were signing up at the rate of 2,000 a week, and within six months the new organization had 150,000 members! ARU members from all crafts struck and the Great Northern was paralyzed.
Антивоенная речь Юджина Дебса в исполнении Марка Руффало
An idealistic, impassioned fighter for economic and social justice, he was brilliant, eloquent and eminently human. Five times the Socialist candidate for president, his last campaign was run from federal prison where he garnered almost a million votes.
Within a year he became a fireman for the railroad. In 1875 Debs, now unemployed, accepted a position with H. Debs was a charter member and was elected recording secretary.
Debs believed that small, disparate, class- and trade-driven unions possessed little power to influence social change for their members. National Archives at Chicago, RG 21 Instead, Debs reasoned that his recently formed American Railway Union ARU was the model organization to unite all railway workers in a powerful, national, and united voice in the industry. Paul to Seattle. On July 2, 1894, federal judges in Chicago issued an injunction prohibiting Debs and the strikers from interfering with the regular transmittal of mail via the railroad. As the strike spread and the injunction failed to halt the strikers, Pullman and other railroad owners called on President Grover Cleveland for support.
Supreme Court which had recently struck down a law against child labor , and generally called for the abolishment of capitalism in the United States and world as a whole. The speech concluded without incident; Debs continued on to the state convention, and the audience dispersed and returned to their homes. Two weeks later, in Cleveland, Eugene Debs was arrested by U. I admit it. Gentlemen, I abhor war.
United States, 249 U. Debs was convicted of violating the Espionage Act and sentenced to ten years in federal prison. He appealed the conviction to the Supreme Court of the United States, which heard arguments in 1919. Even though Debs did not directly instruct his audience to oppose the draft or obstruct recruitment into the military, the Court concluded that his expressions of sympathy and solidarity for those convicted of doing so amounted to obstruction because his audience could have inferred that they should engage in illegal activity from the tone of his speech. The next year, the Socialist Party of America nominated Eugene Debs as their candidate for president for the fourth time.
After some deliberation, Debs accepted. The Election of 1920 Campaigning for president from a prison cell presented a number of challenges, notably that Debs, being confined to prison, could not go out and campaign. He was permitted to send out one statement on political issues [14] Eugene V. From there, his wife Kate mailed the letter to the Socialist Party headquarters in Chicago, where it was typeset and distributed to friendly newspapers and party publications. The process was less than ideal.
In many ways, the election of 1920 was a foregone conclusion. Debs did not expect to win, and was more interested in organizing labor unions than electoral politics.
Он пришёл к выводу, что граждан больше нельзя считать свободными, когда они находятся под пятой плутократического правящего класса, поддерживаемого коррумпированной судебной системой и насилием наёмных «пинкертоновских» штрейкбрехеров, когда беспомощные рабочие уже больше похожи на рабов.
Сравнение с рабством было шокирующим, даже преувеличенным; но оно позволило Дебсу создать ассоциацию текущего тяжёлого положения рабочих с предпосылками двух великих освободительных движений в США: борьбой за независимость от Британии и борьбой с рабством, которая привела к гражданской войне. На железной дороге обособленные профсоюзы, организованные каждый сам по себе в соответствии со своим ремеслом, были мелюзгой, выступающими против промышленных титанов. Когда Дебс руководил Братством машинистов на стачке железнодорожников в 1888 году, до него дошло, насколько убога такая организация.
Тогда он постепенно отошёл от Братства машинистов, чтобы в 1893 году организовать Союз американских железнодорожников, целью которого было объединить всех работников железных дорог, быстро увеличивая численность организации в преддверии первой победы на Великой Северной Железной Дороге. Таким образом, были выстроены декорации для Пульмановской стачки, которая столкнёт Дебса с влиятельной тусовкой экономических, юридических и политических элит. Джордж Мортимер Пульман был промышленным магнатом, который производил железнодорожные спальные вагоны в городке Пульман, принадлежащем его компании, на окраине Чикаго.
Он устанавливал арендную плату за дома, в которых должны были жить его работники, требуя соблюдать строгий моральный кодекс, включающий запрет на употребление алкоголя и азартных игр. Когда в 1893 году разразилась общенациональная финансовая паника, Пульман резко сократил заработную плату, сохранив при этом арендную плату на прежнем уровне. Из рабочих выжимали всё до последней капли, и они приготовились к отчаянной борьбе за выживание.
В последовавший конфликт вмешался Союз американских железнодорожников, который в конечном итоге объявил бойкот поездам, которые продолжали перевозить вагоны Пульмана. В ответ федеральное правительство добилось вынесения судебного постановления, запрещающего забастовщикам вмешиваться в работу железных дорог и, в частности, в свободное движение почтовых вагонов. Дебс в 1922—23 г.
Лидеры Американского союза железнодорожников, в том числе Дебс, не отступили. Их судьба была решена Верховным судом, поддержавшим ранее принятое решение о заключении их в тюрьму за неуважение к суду. Больше всего Дебс и остальные обвиняемые возмутились тем, что ни один присяжный не признал их виновными в совершении преступления.
Они были заключены в тюрьму по «автократической прихоти» федерального судьи, не имея возможности отстаивать свои интересы перед обычными гражданами. Если Дебса можно было так легко запереть, то, рассуждал он, его сограждане тоже несвободны. Но суды были не единственным инструментом власти произвола, с которой нужно бороться, чтобы быть свободными.
Подъём промышленного капитализма в последние десятилетия XIX века создал питательную среду для неподотчётной власти. Наёмные работники, в частности, находились во власти своих богатых работодателей, которые определяли, будут ли они зарабатывать достаточно, чтобы обеспечить себя и свои семьи жильём, одежой и пропитанием. В отсутствие системы социальной поддержки со стороны государства, право увольнять работников фактически давало богатым промышленникам возможность доводить до нищеты требовавших лучших условий или просто избыточных для нужд компании рабочих.
Огромные состояния промышленных миллионеров также обеспечивали им широкое политическое влияние, как посредством прямых взяток, так и за счёт более тонких влиятельных связей. Выступая с критикой такого положения вещей, Дебс считал, что следует по стопам давней республиканской традиции США, которая заявляла о ценности свободы своих граждан. Однако его собственный путь через трудовую борьбу «позолоченного века» привёл Дебса к более радикальному выводу, чем у его предшественников-республиканцев.
Он требовал однозначной социалистической республики, в которой все могли бы быть свободными. Дебс обратил язык республиканской мысли против боссов и системы, которая поддерживала их власть Сегодня большинство людей понимают под республиканством отказ от монархии — эту позицию Дебс охотно разделял с предыдущими поколениями американцев, которые расстались с королём Георгом III. Но враждебность к королевской власти — лишь малая часть гораздо более богатой республиканской философии, уходящей корнями в древний мир.
Республиканцы выступают за свободу граждан, которые могут объединиться для достижения общего блага. Подчинение чьему-либо произволу они признают великим злом. У того, кто вынужден полагаться только на добрую волю, нет свободы, даже если с ним хорошо обращаются.
Такой человек действует лишь по благоволению другого. Таково унизительное положение крепостных и подданных абсолютных монархов, какими бы добрыми и просвещёнными ни были их хозяева. Свобода гражданина всегда была драгоценна для республиканцев.
Но определение этого гражданства могло быть таким узким, что в нём не было места для женщин, бедняков или тех, кто не принадлежит к правящей расовой касте. Таким образом, к радости своих коллег-критиков взрослеющей американской республики Сэмюэл Джонсон смог задать вопрос: «Почему громче всех о свободе орут надсмотрщики за неграми? С самого начала своей карьеры в качестве профсоюзного организатора он даже заявлял, что борется с «нарушениями прав, которые принимают некоторые формы рабства».
Опираясь на идеи, уходящие корнями в классицизм, он предупреждал о безотчётной власти монархов и на то были веские причины, учитывая, что его самого впоследствии обезглавят за государственную измену. Сочинения Сидни окрестили «учебником революции», и, отчасти благодаря его влиянию, мы видим, что создатели Конституции США, такие как Александр Гамильтон, проводят различие между свободой и состоянием рабства, в котором кто-то «управляется волей другого». Сама возможность неограниченного британского налогообложения без представительства в парламенте, казалось бы, отвечала всем требованиям.
Но ни Сидней, ни Гамильтон не стали бы бороться с тяжёлым положением слуг и наёмных рабочих в условиях той республики.
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